WEBSITES USING “SUPER-COOKIES” TO TRACK WHERE YOU GO?

(NATIONAL) — It seems as though some large corporations that have a heavy presence on the Internet have become obsessed in recent years with not only knowing when a web surfer comes to their own web site and what they do on that site, but where that surfer goes anywhere on the Internet after visiting their place of business and what they do on their travels.

It’s the cyberspace equivalent of a private detective from a major retailer such as Sears or Walmart getting in a car and following you around for the rest of your life after you leave their store, watching and recording your every move by car, transit, bike or foot. Where you go, who you see, what you do, where and how you spend your money, what you buy.

And now a few lines of copy in a Wall Street Journal article appear to have lifted the lid on another industry snooping secret: major websites such as MSN.com and Hulu.com have reportedly been tracking people’s online activities using powerful new methods that are almost impossible for computer users to detect, says the WSJ article.

The Journal says new research shows reveals that the new tracking techniques – which are perfectly legal – reach far beyond the traditional computer code “cookie,” which is essentially a small file that websites routinely install on users’ computers to help track their activities on a website.

The WSJ article says Hulu and MSN have been installing files known as “supercookies,” which are capable of re-creating users’ profiles after people deleted regular cookies, according to researchers at Stanford University and University of California at Berkeley.

While some companies have been criticized for the selling of private data online, a few sites that use supercookies said the “supercookie tracking” was inadvertent and they would stop using it.

MSN and Hulu, who were both notified that they had been using supercookies, announced Wednesday they would investigate the matter.

http://liarcatchers.com/cyber_investigations.html

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Arrested Phuket Property Fugitive Tells US Investors: ‘I’m Broke’

PHUKET: An American man who allegedly defrauded friends of millions of dollars is being sent to an Immigration detention centre in Bangkok today after being arrested on Tuesday at his home on Phuket.

Roger A. Miller, 58, who allegedly fled to Phuket to avoid prosecution in the US for grand theft, told Phuketwan today that he was broke and the money was all gone. He blamed two unnamed partners for scamming him.

Victims have told US investigators that Mr Miller befriended and misled family friends and associates at Florida’s Oriole Golf and Tennis Country Club into investing in several schemes, including a Phuket property project.

Mr Miller told a media conference at Immigration headquarters on Phuket today that he had bought 7.5 rai of land in Phang Nga on Phang Nga Bay at 22 million baht a rai and planned to erect a block of 140 condominiums for sale at between 5 million baht to 9.5 million baht.

Reacting quickly to the issuing of an international warrant, Immigration officers arrested Mr Miller at his apartment in the central Phuket district of Gett-Ho on Tuesday. He could face up to 30 years in jail in the US.

He said he was trying to resurrect the Phuket project and a man named Vincent Watkins was trying to attract investment from British and Russian sources. The project would cost $8 million for a return of $32 million, he said.

Phuketwan: So the money from investors is still safe?

Mr Miller: No.

Phuketwan It’s broken?

Mr Miller: Broken.

There were four partners in the Rama Lama Company originally, all American, he told today’s conference.

”Two of the American partners turned out to be greedy and that’s what basically busted the company,” Mr Miller said. ”They were staying here and we [he and his remaining partner Matthew Willie] were going back and forth.

”The money went in the front door and out the back door, to make a long story short.”

He said there was plenty of money but it was not spent as it should have been ”due to the other two partners. They had their job to do over here.”

”What’s the word? Scammed. We were scammed big time. We were friends for years.”

Mr Miller, who has a Thai wife, had been coming ”off and on” since 2007 to Phuket but had stayed on Phuket since 2009.

”I don’t want to have happen what happened before,” he said. ”I was an absentee owner. I wasn’t here to watch what was going on. Had I stayed here from the beginning, this would be a whole different story right now.

”We relied on our friends and partners to do things on behalf of the company. They simply weren’t done. Every time we came over, we got ‘oh we’re doing this and oh we’re going to change that’ and ‘we need more money for this.’

”They went so far as to deliver construction materials to the site one time and have people clearing it. It was just a big show.

”In the scheme of things, we knew from the beginning it was going to take about three to four years for everything. By about a year and a half later, Matthew and I came over and we knew there was a problem.

”We didn’t find out until two days before we had to go back on our tourist visas. I came back right away after that and realised there was no money in the bank accounts, the accounts weren’t paid, the attorney wasn’t paid . . . on and on and on. . . I can’t begin to tell you.

”Had I not come back when I did, I would have lost the land.”

Mr Miller said he even had private investigators come from the US to try to collect from the other partners. ”The first time they just couldn’t find them at all.”

One of the investigators was killed just before confronting one of the partners, Mr Miller said. ”So the investigation went kaput.” The investigation cost $250,000 on behalf of the investors, he said.

He was also checked out by the private investigators, who reported back and said Mr Miller and his remaining partner had been scammed, Mr Miller said.

”My phone was always on, I always answered it. I was always available. I never hid from anybody. I didn’t flee here. I came to try to solve a problem.

”The investors, they’re all my friends, for years, a lot of them are my family and Matthew’s family. My life savings and Matthew’s life savings have been poured into this. It’s not that I was a non-investor.

”I have no home, I have no health insurance. I will get an attorney there [the US] and try to work through this.”

Mr Miller thanked the Thai people for their treatment of him but later added: ”Part of the problems is I wasn’t aware of the process. I know if this had happened in America it would have been a different turnaround.

”I’d know where to go, who to see, what to do. Over here, I was totally a fish out of water. Because of that, it was easy for these other two, who had been here a long time, to stay out of the way.

”One of the partners was Matthew’s best friend from school. The other was Matthew’s best friend’s friend from college. It was a real tight group. It’s messed up.”

The case against Mr Miller is detailed by a Florida newspaper, the Sun-Sentinel. Reporter Jon Burstein telephoned Mr Miller in Thailand on news of the issuing of the arrest warrant.

Mr Miller told him: “Everyone thinks I’m living the life of Riley and that’s not true. I’ve lost everything. I’ve lost my savings. I’m on the skids.”

He said he was scammed out of “hundreds of thousands of dollars” in Thailand and has remained here since February 2009 because he did not want to risk losing property he hopes to develop on Phuket.

Mr Miller said that he was attempting to cut losses and to move forward with the condo project: “I’m trying to rebuild something that’s been taken away. I’m trying to make a really bad thing right.”

Alleged victims tell a different story. Miller faces a lawsuit filed by 18 investors who say they have been bilked of at least $2.2 million.

One woman told the newspaper in a video: ”He ripped off my kids, he ripped off myself, he ripped off my friends.”

Coral Springs police have been investigating him with more than 30 investors identified with total losses of up $5 million, Coral Springs Police Detective Robert Ames told the newspaper.

http://liarcatchers.com/wrongful_death.html

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Home of veteran vandalized with vulgar graffiti; victim turns to family, church for support

With a U.S. flag flying outside his immaculate Grenada Drive home not far from the Redding Municipal Airport, 86-year-old John Thode of Redding has felt safe and secure living there these past 25 years.

The now frail and soft-spoken Navy veteran of World War II had no idea that he would be attacked on the home front years after that war ended. The tranquillity of his home was shattered earlier this week when vandals defaced it and his property with vulgarities and hate crime language.

He says he has a hard time expressing his emotions.

“But I don’t feel the same since it’s happened,” Thode said Wednesday.

The vandals, who apparently began their handiwork on Meadow View Drive near his home, brazenly entered his backyard as he slept Sunday night.

They spray-painted a garden shed with a vulgarity and then tagged the exterior wall of a bedroom with a message demonstrating their disrespect and to show him they had been there.

It reads: “Say cheese” with a smiley face underneath it.

Investigators from the Shasta County Sheriff’s Office are now on the case, and Thode is offering a $1,000 reward for information leading to the arrest and successful prosecution of those responsible.

Thode, who’s being supported and comforted by family members and his church — St. Michael’s Episcopal Church in Anderson — said he first became aware of the vandalism on Monday when he went out to get his mail.

The numbers on his mailbox were blacked out with spray paint.

He subsequently found the other graffiti on his property and near it.

A widower for three years, Thode says he’s irritated, as well as embarrassed, by the graffiti left behind.

“I hate to have my neighbors see my house,” he said.

Although county workers Wednesday cleaned up the graffiti on the public property near his home, Thode will have to pay for the work to remove the graffiti on his private property, which may cost at least $2,000 to $3,000.

The cost doesn’t faze him as much as the thought that he was targeted by the taggers. That has shaken him to the core.

He spent two days at a daughter’s home in Shingletown after the graffiti was discovered because he was afraid to stay home, family members say. He had a pacemaker implanted only last week.

He’s not a man who has not seen his share of danger during his lifetime.

Thode spent a good part of World War II in what were called steel coffins, facing death at nearly every turn as a submariner in the Pacific and European theaters during the war.

His submarine was attacked and almost sunk three times during the war, and he witnessed the Japanese surrender at Tokyo Bay on the deck of the USS Tigrone as a Petty Officer 1st Class.

His family members can’t help but to be incensed that the vandals would do this.

“He doesn’t deserve this,” said nephew Woody Hood of Shingletown, who’s also a licensed private investigator.

Still, Thode, who is deeply religious, says he doesn’t hate those who did this to him.

“No, I don’t hate them,” he said. “I feel sorry for them that they would stoop so low.”

http://liarcatchers.com/electronic_surveillance.html

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Hearing for Cash injunction scheduled for Sept. 7

A bench hearing for the city of Leesville’s injunction against Michael Cash’s reinstatement to the Leesville Police Department has been scheduled for Sept. 7, according to court documents.
The hearing is scheduled for 1 p.m. in front of District Judge Jim Mitchell.
A phone conference was held Wednesday between Mitchell and involved parties, and through the conference, the date was scheduled.
Cash was reinstated by the Leesville Municipal Police and Fire Civil Service board on June 22 after he was terminated for failure to participate in a civil service investigation. Cash was originally suspended in November after he, along with fellow Leesville officers Bobby Hickman and Jon Sims, was named in a plea deal by Charlie Lopez.
Sims later resigned and Hickman was terminated for failure to participate in a civil service investigation. Hickman appealed his termination and has a civil service hearing scheduled for Aug. 25 at 6 p.m.

http://liarcatchers.com/employee_investigations.html

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FBI Missing Person Robyn Lynn Gardner

Robyn Lynn Gardner was last seen on August 2, 2011, in the Baby Beach, Sint Nicolaas area of Aruba, which is on the southeastern tip of the Caribbean Island. She and a travel companion had arrived in Aruba on July 31, 2011, from Maryland. Gardner may have gone snorkeling on August 2nd, but has not been seen since that date.

http://liarcatchers.com/missing_persons_investigations.html

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Mistaken witness puts innocent man in jail for 39 days

SARASOTA COUNTY – — Two weeks after a man was gunned down on Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Way in June, a woman came to Sarasota police and identified two men she saw pointing guns at the victim just before the shots rang out.

In one of those identifications, however, she was wrong.

In a case that highlights the fallibility of eyewitness testimony, prosecutors dropped a murder charge against Timothy Jenkins Jr., 20, this month.

But his exoneration came only after he turned himself in and spent 39 days in jail, too stressed to sleep, filling his 23-hours-a-day stint in solitary confinement by doing push-ups and reading the Bible.

“My client kept telling me, ‘I wasn’t there, I wasn’t there,'” said defense attorney Liane McCurry, who worked with private investigator Carol Springer to find proof that Jenkins was innocent.

Springer went to Newtown and found witnesses and reconstructed the events of the shooting that backed up Jenkins’ alibi. “We got everything to show he absolutely wasn’t there,” McCurry said.

Sarasota police detectives had made the arrest based mainly on the word of the woman, an eyewitness who said she was directly across the street from the spot where Willie Hadley, 21, was fatally shot during a confrontation at about 2 a.m. on June 13.

The woman said she saw Jenkins and Marcus Moody, known to be childhood friends, point guns at Hadley in the 1900 block of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Way. She told police she turned away to avoid danger, heard the gunshots, and saw Hadley lying in the street. She pointed out Jenkins and Moody in a photo lineup.

http://liarcatchers.com/fraud_investigation.html

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Hacking: MP calls for review of 24-year-old murder case

An MP who has spoken out against phone hacking is calling for the murder of a private investigator to be examined as part of the inquiry into the scandal.

Tom Watson believes the News of the World’s links to private investigators could shed new light on the unsolved killing of Daniel Morgan in 1987.

Mr Morgan, 37, was found with an axe in his head in South London.

Until his death he worked with Jonathan Rees, whose company has been linked to alleged email hacking.

Mr Rees was one of five men accused of murdering Mr Morgan in 2008, but after almost two years of legal wrangling, the trial collapsed in March when “supergrass” evidence was deemed to be unreliable.

Now Mr Watson is keen to explore the connections between Mr Rees and Alex Marunchak, who was the News of the World’s crime editor in the late 1980s, and who later became the paper’s Ireland editor.

He says he has seen evidence that the two men stayed in contact even when Mr Rees was sent to prison for conspiracy to pervert the course of justice in 2000.

BBC Radio 4’s Report programme has also seen evidence suggesting that a week before Daniel Morgan died, he said he was taking a story exposing police corruption to Mr Marunchak, and was promised a payment of £40,000.

In a letter Alex Marunchak’s lawyers told the BBC: “Our client has never had any contact with Daniel Morgan and denies all allegations of wrongdoing.”

However, Mr Watson wants all relevant information and evidence to be taken into account as part of the judicial inquiry into wrong doing by the media.

He told The Report he would write to the prime minister to ask for Daniel Morgan’s case to be scrutinised by Lord Leveson’s inquiry into phone hacking.

Daniel’s brother Alastair Morgan, who is calling for a separate judicial inquiry into the case welcomed the move:

“It’s really heartening to hear that somebody is taking this seriously,” he said.

“For years and years our concerns were dismissed.”

Jonathan Rees has stated he did not commission, or in any way incite or procure anyone to “hack” any computer.

http://liarcatchers.com/cold_cases.html

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Death in Costa Rica’s rainforest

The body of 53-year-old Canadian Kimberley Ann Blackwell was discovered on the morning of Feb. 2, high in the lush, hot, tropical rainforests of Costa Rica’s Osa Peninsula, where she had lived for almost 20 years. She had been shot the night before, execution-style, and lay sprawled on blood-soaked dirt near the gate to her home and cocoa farm. Maurico Valerin Jimenez, a 25-year-old warden with the Ministry of Environment and Energy, found her. “It was the first time I’d ever seen a body,” says Jimenez, who had arrived on Blackwell’s remote jungle property with several other wardens to begin a 15-km patrol of adjacent Corcovado National Park, a wonderland preserve of jaguars, monkeys, parrots and pumas.

Many locals here—especially campesinos, Costa Rica’s poor subsistence farmers—loathe the wardens, who interfere in a rural tradition of poaching and eating bush meat. “It’s Deliverance out there,” an expat friend of Blackwell’s says of the area, a densely treed, hilly region strung together by badly rutted roads and dotted with cattle, coffee and cocoa farms. For wardens like Jimenez, Blackwell’s property was a sanctuary. The animal lover had moved to the Osa, located just above Panama in southwest Costa Rica, 18 years earlier from the Yukon, and regularly let the wardens camp on her land, serving them coffee and soups. “It was like going to a restaurant,” says Jimenez.

Almost seven months after Blackwell’s death, authorities have still laid no charges in the slaying, even as rumours about why she was murdered and by whom multiply. The mystery of her death only deepens Blackwell’s mystique as a maverick among mavericks in the Osa, a gathering place for off-the-grid nonconformists who scrape refuge out of the untamed jungle and wild surf. Sir Francis Drake, the 16th-century privateer, once buried treasure here. Among locals, Blackwell is every bit as much a legend—a fiery, uncompromising hippie who inspired deep loyalty in her friends despite a penchant for decking them during fits of rage.

Those friends and Blackwell’s family are now seeking to push recalcitrant Costa Rican officials to solve her murder. Many expats are equally concerned about an uptick in murders and abductions of foreigners, particularly in the Osa, a trend suggesting that some Costa Ricans feel increasingly emboldened to target outsiders without fear of police repercussion. At least eight foreigners have disappeared in the country in the last two years, including 33-year-old ex-Montrealer Kim Paris, last seen leaving her home on Aug. 25, 2010, riding a bicycle. In May, Jacques Cloutier, a 59-year-old Canadian expat, died in a flurry of bullets while sitting in the front seat of an SUV. Just days ago, American Lisa Artz, 49, became the fourth foreigner murdered in the Osa since 2009.

These homicides, like Blackwell’s, remain unsolved. But from numerous interviews conducted in the Osa, exclusive access to her diaries, autopsy and police reports, and a private investigator’s file prepared for Blackwell’s family, Maclean’s has pieced together a deeply disquieting picture of what may have happened. Regardless of who killed Blackwell, there is little doubt that Costa Rica itself shares in the blame. Renowned as an ecotourism Eden and a relatively safe retreat for visitors, it is in fact a place where the poaching of animals is rampant and authorities are prepared to ignore compelling evidence in even the most serious of crimes. Above all, Costa Rica is apparently a country where locals can reasonably expect to settle scores against outsiders with impunity.

Locals called Blackwell la bruja—the witch. The sobriquet may have referred to the intoxicating chocolates she concocted in Cañaza, the village not far from her land. More likely it had to do with her fierce, often antagonistic personality, her high cheekbones, explosion of wiry black hair and frank, salty talk; in macho Costa Rica, women are typically more submissive.

She was born of pioneer stock in North Bay, Ont., on Aug. 29, 1958, to James, a territory manager for Sealtest Dairy, and Veronica, a homemaker whose bouts of depression led to her suicide when Kimberley was just 10. Life wasn’t easy: James, a single dad with five kids, moved the family often. After a younger sister, Beverley, died of cancer at 19—Blackwell spent long hours at her bedside—she hitchhiked to the Yukon, settling in Whitehorse and buying a home on Squatters’ Row, the city’s famed strip of bohemian hovels. At just five foot three, she was known for her outsized, Bunyanesque strength—in the mining camps where she worked as a cook—and was often the only woman. Friends say she staved off unwanted advances with an axe.

An enthusiastic traveller, she discovered Costa Rica in the ’90s, driving from Whitehorse in an old beat-up truck after deciding to move to the Osa permanently. (En route, in Nicaragua, she talked a squad of soldiers into posing for a photo alongside her—while she held one of their machine guns.) When the Rainbow Warrior, the Greenpeace ship, docked in the Osa, Blackwell met Christopher Hoare, a handsome Australian a decade her junior working on board. “You could say it was love at first sight,” he says. “We had similar ideas about how we wanted to live our lives—clean air, clean water and clean food, away from the crazy world.”

Soon Hoare sold his Sydney condo so the couple could buy a $150,000 plot of Osa land with a panoramic view of the ocean. Together they built a house—little more than an unwalled canopy that permitted birds, lizards and other fauna to wander through. Friends dubbed her “Sloth Mother” after she rescued a baby sloth and nursed it for nine months, stringing a rope up in her cabin so it could learn to hang as though from branches. Photos show the animal nibbling her ear as she slept.

In 2004, after finding wild cacao trees on the property, Blackwell launched an organic chocolate venture. Using the mottled green, nearly football-sized beans sprouting from the trees, she made chocolates based on the dense, chili-spiced recipes of the ancient Mayans. Sold mainly to area resorts under the name Samaritan Xocolata, they became a local success. The process was arduous, and Blackwell hired locals to help, paying the equivalent of US$2.34 an hour, almost double the average wage—enough, she hoped, that they could eat legal rather than poached meat.

Indeed, Blackwell wanted most of all for her business to help cure the locals of their passion for hunting on her land. It was an unlikely prospect. Poachers have long used a tunnel-like path cutting through her property as a byway into Corcovado National Park, a 54,000-hectare reserve Costa Rica bills in its tourism advertising as one of the country’s “jewels.” Those slick campaigns, focused on Costa Rica’s environmental reputation and showcasing neon-coloured tree frogs, jaguars and exotic birds, helped draw two million tourists last year, more than any other Central American country. Tourism generates US$2.2 billion a year, the country’s greatest single source of foreign income, according to the Costa Rican Tourism Institute. Along with its volcanoes, rainforests, rivers and beaches, its reputation for environmental stewardship has been crucial to its success. In 2009, the New Economics Foundation, a London-based think tank, ranked Costa Rica as the world’s greenest country. In May, President Laura Chinchilla received a Peter Benchley Ocean Award for Excellence in National Stewardship of the Ocean for expanding protection of the waters around Cocos Island, a rich undersea feeding ground for sharks.

Some believe awards like these are misplaced. While shooting a recent documentary on shark finning in Costa Rica, celebrity chef Gordon Ramsay was held at gunpoint and doused with gasoline by a gang of shark poachers. The story is no better on land, where hunting is largely illegal but endemic. Poaching in the Osa is so bad that scientists from the Universidad Nacional warn it will soon lead to the regional extinction of jaguars and white-lipped peccaries, a species of small, boar-like creatures. In local bars and hotels, peccary and tepezcuintle, a large rodent prized for its flavour, often appear on menus, a lucrative market for poachers. “In San Jose you can sell two lb. of paca”—another species of large rodent—“for almost US$100,” says biologist Aida Bustamante, whose group, Yaguará, is dedicated to protecting the Osa’s 30 to 40 remaining jaguars. “In a year some poachers can get more than 300 pacas”—a haul worth US$21,000, over three times the average annual income. Rumours speak of city men spraying the jungle with gunfire just to see what they can kill.

Such behaviour sickened Blackwell. Describing her as “valiant,” Eliécer Villalta Martinez, the Ministry of Environment’s supervisor in Puerto Jiménez, recalls that she broke down while calling in denuncias—formal complaints—against poachers on her land. “She was an ally,” he says. Yet she was increasingly alone. Last year, after more than a decade together, she and Hoare split, with Hoare returning to Australia. Her canopy home could not have left her more vulnerable in a country where residences are typically protected by razor wire, iron bars or broken bottles cemented atop walls. At night, alone, she could hear approaching poachers with their hounds. Still, she refused to go. Four years ago, Louis Reyes, a neighbour of Blackwell’s who liked to brag about killing jaguars, and whom she had threatened to report to park wardens, shot and killed her two dogs. They had barked loudly whenever he crept across Blackwell’s land with his own dogs to hunt in Corcovado. She was devastated. Later, while driving her quad along Puerto Jiménez’s main drag, she ran Reyes over, breaking his leg. Even close friends doubt it was an accident. Her family in Canada wired her $1,000 to compensate Reyes.

Blackwell struggled with her own rage. In blocky handwriting, she scrawled mantras to herself in a private notebook: “I am loving and lovable. Love is everywhere. I create Peace and Harmony and balance in my mind and life.” Elsewhere she lamented: “Not being like everyone else can make life difficult.” Late last year, she shot a man she suspected of poaching on her land in the back with a BB gun—a painful, if not lethal, message.

One day this spring, on a rickety wooden pier where whales, sharks and dolphins sometimes swam past, a crowd of people crammed aboard a small boat for the half-hour trip from Puerto Jiménez, the Osa’s largest town, to Golfito, a scruffy mainland city. Sitting on the craft’s hard plastic seats, Tao Watts, 50, an American and long-time Osa resident, and Peruvian-born Vanessa Jensen, the 32-year-old manager of a jungle spa, spoke in hushed English. Together they were planning how best to approach Tony Vargas, the district attorney in charge of investigating the murder of Blackwell, their friend. The visit was a delicate thing. Four months after her death, Blackwell’s body remained in the morgue. Jensen and Watts wanted Vargas to do a rare thing in Costa Rica: properly investigate a murder.

According to United Nations stats, Costa Rica’s intentional homicide rate stood at 11 per 100,000 in 2009 (Canada’s that year was 1.8 per 100,000). Less than five per cent of homicide charges end in convictions. In many cases, authorities seem almost unwilling to even prosecute. Concerned expats point to the case of Horst Hauser, 68, and Herbert Langmeier, 66, two Austrians living in Costa Rica who vanished in 2009. Evidence suggested they had been murdered and dismembered at Hauser’s home near Puerto Jiménez. Hauser’s bank account had been emptied. According to the Austrian newspaper Kleine Zeitung, police suspected a man found squatting in Hauser’s bloody house and driving his car—the leader of a gang whose members included two ex-policemen. Despite this, officials said they could not act without Hauser and Langmeier’s bodies. When, this year, flooding exposed body parts buried on a local beach—Hauser’s body was identified through dental records—police pursued the suspect, who fled.

Stories like these prompted the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office this spring to beef up its travel summary on Costa Rica, warning Britons of a rise in “violent crime against tourists,” including “gang muggings and armed robberies . . . even in daylight on busy streets,” and noting that eight foreigners have gone missing in the country in the last two years. Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade has not recently amended the crime section of its advisory. Although embassy officials in San Jose have been of help to Blackwell’s friends and family, they tell them they cannot aid in the investigation without a request from the Costa Rican government. A spokeswoman with the Prime Minister’s Office said she couldn’t “speculate” on whether Stephen Harper would raise the Blackwell case during his visit to Costa Rica this week, but noted officials at the Canadian Embassy there are working closely with local authorities, adding: “We anticipate a comprehensive and transparent investigation by Costa Rican officials, and hope that the case is resolved in a timely manner.”

Blackwell’s friends knew what they were up against. Despite the monitoring of Canadian diplomats, Vargas had never met or returned calls from friends inquiring about the investigation, even when they offered what they believed were valuable tips. Only when Watts and Jensen came armed with a power of attorney granted by Blackwell’s family did Vargas, a youthful and tall man, agree to meet them—briefly: he tossed a folder at the women before stepping back into his office. As they leafed through the sheaf of papers, Watts gasped, fanning herself with her free hand as Jensen wrapped a comforting arm around her. The dossier included autopsy photos. Blackwell’s face, Watts later said, “was black and blue—so swollen and discoloured I didn’t even know it was her.” Jensen cut in: “But you could tell it was her from her hair. She had beautiful hair. But a bullet was in her head.”

The file also included the expediente—an internal police document outlining what federal investigators had uncovered about the murder. Both this document and a report by private detectives hired by Blackwell’s family identify several suspects—though none of the allegations have been tested in court. One suspect is a poacher and former Blackwell employee who wardens discovered on the morning of her murder, according to the private investigators’ report, walking “with a suspicious attitude” from the direction of her farm, a fresh scratch on his face. The poacher later told the PIs that he never argued with Blackwell and had received the scratch while farming beans.

But just days prior to her death, the expediente says, Blackwell found the poacher hunting on her property and threatened to file a denuncia. One of Blackwell’s labourers told the PIs that the poacher once said “he wanted to take Kimberley’s life” and asked him for help—even offering a .357 magnum to do the job. The poacher “did not indicate a motive,” the PIs write, but Blackwell’s labourer supposed it was because of a dispute that arose after the poacher “had been found inside her property hunting animals in danger of extinction.” Briefly held by police for questioning, the poacher insisted he and Blackwell enjoyed a “close friendship,” the PIs write. Upon his release, police sought a warrant to search his property, sources say, and to compare photographs of footprints found near Blackwell’s body with his boots. They never got the chance. A judge in Puerto Jiménez quashed the request.

It was not the only oddity in the case. Another came when, according to sources, Vargas assigned a man some consider a suspect, a neighbouring cash-poor yet land-rich farmer, to guard the crime scene after wardens found Blackwell’s body. The farmer had once owned Blackwell’s property, but had sold it to her and Hoare. Blackwell still owed him $55,000, and she and the farmer had a heated argument days earlier when he demanded she give him $10,000, according to an email obtained by Maclean’s that Blackwell wrote a friend. Blackwell refused, explaining she was holding back further payments until the resolution of a court case regarding the land’s title. Days later, Blackwell gave him $500. With Blackwell now gone, the farmer could regain title to the land under Costa Rica’s liberal squatting laws. Perhaps with that in mind, he has moved himself and a number of his relatives into her home. Although Blackwell’s family in Canada filed a legal order in March seeking their removal, police have yet to act on it.

Speaking to Maclean’s one drizzly day, grimy from working his nearby farm and leaning against Blackwell’s home, the farmer said through a translator that if Blackwell’s family, or Hoare, pays the remaining $55,000 owed him, he will give up the property. Asked about speculation he was involved in her murder, he shook his head in disgust and replied, after a long pause and in a quiet voice, that he and his wife were both distressed by her death.

Meanwhile, the investigation into Blackwell’s murder remains stalled—a circumstance that distresses her family. Blackwell was finally cremated six weeks after her death, in Costa Rica; her family continues to await the arrival of her ashes, which are slated to touch down in Toronto in the coming weeks, carried in the cargo hold of an Air Canada flight.
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War crime suspect found in Everett

EVERETT – A former Salvadoran government minister accused of colluding in the infamous killing of six Jesuit priests in El Salvador two decades ago has been living a quiet life in a modest apartment building in Everett, says a human rights group pursuing a legal case against him.

Inocente Orlando Montano, apparently living in Massachusetts for years under his own name, is among 20 former military officers charged with conspiring to kill the priests in fresh indictments from Spain.

The international indictments issued in May seek justice for the clergymen, five of them Spaniards; their housekeeper; and her 16-year-old daughter, who were roused at night from their beds on the campus of Central American University in San Salvador and executed by an elite unit of the Salvadoran military.

Most of those accused of the notorious war crime have never faced justice.

A man who answered the door at Montano’s apartment on Irving Street last week said the former Salvadoran army colonel was not at home, but promised to leave a message. The message was not returned, and the next day Montano’s name had been removed from his mailbox. No one answered the door at the apartment on three other occasions over the past several days. Several neighbors said they did not know Montano.

In 1993, a United Nations “truth commission’’ that investigated the clergy killings named Montano, a former government vice minister of public safety, as one of the top leaders who participated in a meeting to plot the assassination of Father Ignacio Ellacuria, the university’s rector. The government suspected Ellacuria of supporting leftist rebels. The unit dispatched to kill Ellacuria was ordered to leave no witnesses, according to the commission’s report.

“I find it unbelievable and unconscionable that somebody involved in this crime is in the United States,’’ said US Representative James McGovern, a Worcester Democrat who helped investigate the Jesuit slayings 20 years ago as an aide to J. Joseph Moakley, then a congressman. Moakley, of South Boston, had been appointed to lead a congressional task force to look into the killings in the early 1990s.

“It’s still this terrible memory,’’ said McGovern, who knew three of the slain priests personally through congressional work on refugee issues. “I had never been involved so closely with something so horrific. That case still is a strong force in me, saying that human rights is something we need to stand up for.’’

The Jesuit massacre on Nov. 16, 1989, made international headlines. Photos of slain priests were shocking even for El Salvador, which at the time was deep into a 12-year civil war riddled with atrocities. About 75,000 people died in the conflict between government forces and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, a collection of rebel groups.

In a June phone interview with a Salvadoran Internet newspaper, Montano said that the indictment “is all based on lies’’ and that the only high-level meetings in which he participated concerned the defense of San Salvador, which was under rebel attack at the time. He told the news site El Faro that he was in Massachusetts and had been living in the same place for the past 10 years.

Montano was located in Everett by The Center for Justice & Accountability, a human rights organization based in San Francisco. In 2008, the center filed suit against the 20 defendants in Spain, which led to the new indictments. The group used a private detective to confirm Montano’s address before presenting the information to the judge in Spain, said Almudena Bernabeu, a lawyer who brought the lawsuit for the Center for Justice. At least one other former Salvadoran officer charged in the indictment is in the United States; he lives in California, she said.

Nine of the men accused in the indictments turned themselves in to authorities in El Salvador on Aug. 7. Salvadoran courts will decide if they will be extradited.

Whether any of the defendants will ever appear in a Spanish courtroom is an open question.

“Sometimes I expect little from these cases but at the same time I have to be optimistic,’’ said Bernabeu. She hoped the US Department of Justice would arrest and extradite suspects in the United States, but three months after the indictments, no arrests have been made.

Because of that, she said, “I’m a little more pessimistic. But you never, ever know.’’

The Department of Justice, through a spokeswoman, declined to comment on the case.

Members of the US Congress are urging the Obama administration to cooperate with authorities in Spain.

McGovern said he did not previously know that an alleged conspirator was living in Massachusetts. But he had contacted the Department of Justice about the case, urging action to assist the Spanish court in tracking down suspects, he said.

Four US senators – Tom Harkin of Iowa, Patrick Leahy of Vermont, Barbara Boxer of California, and John F. Kerry of Massachusetts – wrote to the Department of State in July, asking Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton to “make every possible effort to ensure that the United States cooperates fully in the pending legal proceedings’’ against the defendants in the Jesuit massacre. The letter does not mention the location of any of the former Salvadoran officers, but states that at least one “may be living in the United States.’’

Responding to the senators, Joseph Macmanus, acting assistant secretary of state, offered few details, writing that the department is monitoring the case, and “will work closely with the Department of Justice to ensure that any request for assistance from the Spanish government receives appropriate consideration.’’

Kerry said this week that the United States should support the Spanish court. “All these years later, I just want to see justice done,’’ he said in a statement to the Globe.

The National Court of Spain levied the indictments in the case under the principle of “universal jurisdiction,’’ which says crimes against humanity are so heinous they can be prosecuted across international lines. Spanish courts are known for applying the principle in far-reaching international indictments. Augusto Pinochet, the former Chilean dictator, was arrested in 1998 on human rights charges in London, for example, on a warrant issued by a Spanish court. He was not extradited.

Nine members of the Salvadoran military were originally charged in El Salvador in the Jesuit killings. In a 1991 prosecution widely criticized as a sham, only two went to jail, including Colonel Guillermo Alfredo Benavides, who was charged with giving the order to shoot the priests.

Even before the trial had run its course, Moakley’s congressional task force found that Salvadoran investigators “made little effort to determine whether senior military officers other than Colonel Benavides might have had a role in ordering or covering up the crime,’’ according to its 1990 report.

The UN truth commission later found “substantial evidence’’ that high-level government officials, including Montano, colluded the day before the killings to order Benavides to kill Father Ellacuria and any witnesses.

Benavides was freed under a 1993 amnesty law, approved after the peace accord that ended the country’s civil war

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Former Contra Costa County drug task force officers indicted

FBI agents on Monday arrested a former Contra Costa County drug task force commander and a former Concord private investigator on a 17-count federal grand jury indictment that could put the two in prison for life and cost them more than $40 million in fines.

The two 50-year-old Contra Costans, Norman Wielsch and Christopher Butler, were charged with drug conspiracy, distribution of methamphetamine and marijuana, theft, extortion and civil rights violations.

They are being held without bail in a federal jail pending separate detention hearings scheduled for Thursday and Aug. 22.

The indictment revealed for the first time that the two brought prostitutes to the county to rob them during phony stings.

The indictment is similar to a county complaint against Wielsch, the drug team leader, and Butler, a one-time private eye and former police officer, but carries much heavier penalties, said county District Attorney Mark Peterson. “It’s a sad day for law enforcement but the system works and these gentlemen are being held accountable for their actions,” Peterson said.

“This indictment alleges a pattern of lawlessness that not only violated the trust of the people of Contra Costa County, but also brings dishonor to all the fine men and women in law enforcement who work hard, do the right thing, and risk their lives every day protecting our communities,” U.S. Attorney Melinda Haag said.

The indictment does not mention former

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Danville officer Stephen Tanabe and former San Ramon officer Louis Lombardi who, with Wielsch and Butler, are charged in Contra Costa County as part of the Central Contra Costa Narcotics Enforcement Team corruption scandal.

CNET, a program partly funded by the state Department of Justice, was suspended after Wielsch and Butler’s arrest on Feb. 16.

A U.S. attorney’s office spokesman would not comment on whether separate indictments against Tanabe and Lombardi are pending, or whether any additional charges for Wielsch and Butler are being considered. Notably absent from the indictment is mention of a local allegation that Butler conspired to use female decoys to set up targets for drunken-driving arrests.

Wielsch attorney Michael Cardoza said Monday he was puzzled about why Tanabe and Lombardi weren’t included. “I don’t know enough to know if I should be upset,” Cardoza said. “It’s definitely wait-and-see … we’re going to have to wait to ferret it all out.”

Cardoza said he doesn’t expect Wielsch to serve a life sentence if convicted.

“That (the possibility of a life term) is normal on a federal crime, but that doesn’t mean he’s going to get anywhere near that.”

Attorneys for Butler, Tanabe and Lombardi could not be immediately reached for comment.

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Posted in Court Ruling, Private Investigator Lexington | Tagged | Comments Off on Former Contra Costa County drug task force officers indicted